The following originally appeared on The Upshot (copyright 2016, The New York Times Company). It also appeared on page A3 of the January 19, 2016 print edition.
Both Bernie Sanders and Hillary Clinton are pushing for lower prescription drug prices as part of their campaigns. Debates about whether and how to reduce drug prices aren’t new. But they rarely lead to legislative success.
Still, the mere threat of government price controls may have a moderating effect on drug prices. There’s strong evidence it did so as the ill-fated Clinton administration health plan was being developed in the early 1990s. Today, with the high price of drugs and proposals to address them so prominent in the news, there are early signs it may do so again.
Sara Fisher Ellison, an M.I.T. economist, and Catherine Wolfram, an economist at the University of California, Berkeley, found evidence that pharmaceutical companies reduce growth in drug prices in response to political pressure. In the 1980s and early 1990s, drug prices grew at three times the rate of inflation. But, according to their study, rates of price growth fell to almost precisely the inflation rate by 1993, just as the Clinton health reform plan took shape.
As they are today, drug prices were a significant concern in the first few years of the 1990s and drew the attention of Congress. In 1990, under pressure from members of Congress, SmithKlein Beecham cut the price of Dyazide — a fluid retention and hypertension drug — by 11 percent. In 1991, as Congress considered several price control measures, Merck and Pfizer endorsed voluntary reductions in drug price growth to improve the industry’s reputation. In 1990, Merck, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Burroughs Wellcome, but not other big drug companies, favored increasing discounts for drugs sold to Medicaid programs.
The 1993 Clinton health reform plan included a proposal that would have used Medicare’s buying clout to moderate prices. Under the plan, Medicare would have added a prescription drug benefit — something it didn’t do until 2006 — and directly negotiated drug discounts program-wide — something it has never done. (Under the Medicare drug benefit that began in 2006 and continues today, drug prices are negotiated between manufacturers and private plans, or pharmacy benefits management companies on their behalf.)
The prospect of Medicare price controls on drugs got the attention of pharmaceutical companies and their investors. Between January 1992 and October 1993, as Hillary Clinton’s “Health Care Task Force” was considering drug price regulations, pharmaceutical stock prices fell as much as 50 percent.
Ms. Ellison and Ms. Wolfram examined over 100 of the largest revenue-generating brand-name drugs from manufacturers receiving the greatest price scrutiny. They found that large, brand-name drug firms tended to keep drug price growth close to that of overall inflation during this period of political examination. This tendency was stronger for firms likely to be more politically sensitive — those with more sales to Medicare-aged consumers and those less likely to face price-reducing competition because of longer lives left on patents.
In 1993, the dominant pharmaceutical manufacturers trade group asked the Department of Justice for an antitrust exemption so manufacturers could act in concert to reduce prices, voluntarily. The request was denied, but over 20 pharmaceutical companies pledged that year to keep drug price growth at or below inflation.
Today, amid continuing growth in the prices of many drugs, there may be early signs of industry sensitivity to political pressure on prices. Just as in the 1990s, congressional scrutiny of drug prices has not escaped drug investors’ attention. In September, when congressional Democrats questioned large price increases of Valeant’s heart drugs, its stock price fell 16.5 percent.
Other pharmaceutical stocks have also lost value since Democratic presidential hopefuls have proposed changes to how Medicare pays for drugs, since the Senate opened an investigation into drug pricing and since the Obama administration began to focus on the issue. (On Nov. 20, the administration held a forum to discuss pharmaceutical prices.) In California, polls show a majority of residents support a ballot measure that would impose drug price controls in the state.
The drug industry has shown more explicit signs of responding to the pressure. In an unusual move counter to the drug industry’s longstanding unanimity, the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturing Association — the industry’s chief advocacy organization — criticized some “bad actors” that are raising drug prices and hurting the industry’s image.
A way out of those problems may be to rein in the growth of drug prices. Already, price growth for some drugs has come down recently. For example, generic drug price growth fell from 4.9 percent in 2014 to below 3 percent in 2015.
Last November, an executive of the largest advocacy group for drug manufacturers suggested that a drug’s price should be commensurate with the value it provides, which would be a substantial departure from how drugs are priced today — at whatever the market will bear.
For those outraged by the prices of drugs, there are two ways to think about drug price responses to political pressure. You can view them as short-term cynical moves by an industry attempting to escape a political firestorm. Or, you can view them as consolation prizes.
Drug price control legislation is exceedingly difficult to pass, and many prior attempts to do so have failed. At least with political pressure, drug price growth may slow, if only temporarily.