• How Yelp Reviews Can Help Improve Patient Care

    The following originally appeared on The Upshot (copyright 2016, The New York Times Company).

    Hospitals and many insurance carriers care about patient satisfaction. It especially matters to hospitals because insurance payments can be influenced by how patients rate the care they receive, as well as by the health of the patient, which hospitals usually report.

    Many people in the health care profession are put off by this. They argue that patient satisfaction scores aren’t necessarily aligned with outcomes. Moreover, they say that trying to improve satisfaction is a waste of time.

    It’s possible, however, that patient satisfaction is being rewarded already, and that the efforts we are making to highlight it aren’t helping as much as we think.

    Almost every study on patient satisfaction uses the Hospital Consumer Assessment of Healthcare Providers and Systems (H.C.A.H.P.S.) survey. Studies show it is correlated with clinical measures of quality, although some other studies dispute this.

    Collecting such information is costly, but there may be other sources for quality assessments that don’t require investment from the health care system. In 2012, researchers in the Journal of General Internal Medicine examined online reviews from RateMDs.com and Yelp. They found that a majority of reviews were positive. They noted, however, that patients reported on aspects of care that extended beyond the patient-physician encounter. They were concerned about staff, access to the hospital and convenience. They also cared greatly about the bedside manner of the doctors they encountered.

    Dr. Naomi Bardach, associate professor of pediatrics and health policy at U.C.S.F. Benioff Children’s Hospital San Francisco, and her colleagues looked at Yelp to determine how consumer ratings compared with those of the hospital consumer assessment survey. Of the almost 3,800 hospitals with survey and other data, about 25 percent also had ratings on Yelp. The correlation between Yelp and the survey was quite strong. Moreover, high ratings at Yelp were correlated with lower mortality for myocardial infarctions and pneumonia — and fewer readmissions for those problems as well as heart failure.

    A recent study in Health Affairs expanded on this work. Researchers compared the content of Yelp narrative reviews with the factors considered important in the hospital consumer assessment survey. They found that Yelp reviews did cover most things the survey tallied. But they also covered an additional 12 criteria not in the survey.

    These included the cost of a visit; insurance and billing; scheduling; compassion of staff; family member care; and the quality of many staff members. All of these things were important to patients, and all might be correlated with outcomes. More important, nine of the 15 most prevalent criteria in reviews were not included in the survey.

    The use of metrics like the hospital consumer assessment survey assumes that those in the health care system have figured out how best to measure patient satisfaction. They also assume that all the information we need should come from patients or from the medical record.

    That’s not how the real world works. In a more recent study, Dr. Bardach found that the perceptions of other family members matter and can also be powerful because they focus on safety in a way that patients may not be able to do. The same is true of those who help care for patients at home and help make medical decisions for them. Their opinions are ignored by the survey.

    Those publicly available data may even be more comprehensive than that gathered at the behest of payers. The next question is whether the health care system needs to measure satisfaction — maybe the publicly available data, like at Yelp, is sufficient. Could those data be used alone to incentivize providers?

    A couple of weeks ago, my colleague Austin Frakt wrote a column on hospital quality and market share. He argued that people could improve their health by choosing a hospital that has a higher quality rating. He also underscored that patient satisfaction scores are often aligned with quality and with better outcomes.

    He highlighted a paper published in The American Economic Review that looked at how performance of hospitals was related to market share. Conventional wisdom holds that patients lack information on quality and that they cannot tell, or favor, providers who seem better. But researchers found that hospitals that performed better, on both outcomes and process-based measures, tended to have greater market share, and experienced greater market growth.

    Further, they found that as patients shifted to hospitals with higher performance, that change alone drove a significant amount in the improvements seen in overall survival rates for a number of conditions. Overall survival improved, in part, just because patients shifted from hospitals with lower quality to higher quality. If patients had the ability to choose between hospitals, they tended to gravitate to those with higher performance.

    In other words, this may be an area of health care where the free market is working. When allowed to choose, patients seem able to discern quality — as they define it — and gravitate toward it. It’s not clear that we need to be forcing the issue with measurement and reimbursement.

    It’s important to recognize, though, that this was a study of Medicare patients, all of whom arguably have more flexibility in terms of hospitals and doctors than those with private insurance. Those with private insurance often are restricted by “narrow networks” and directed to a few facilities and offices.

    Americans cry out for more choice in their health care. This sometimes gets translated to mean a choice of insurance companies. But Americans with government-provided Medicare, who have the least choice of insurers, have the most choices when it comes to providers. And they seem to use that freedom to choose providers who perform better.

    I asked Dr. Bardach about this. “It’s still unclear how people are getting the information to choose the hospitals, but the power of stories is likely an important part of why Yelp and other online reviews are compelling,” she said. “Stories add nuance and context to the otherwise somewhat sterile numbers that the H.C.A.H.P.S. produces.”

    Research shows that patients reward quality on their own — when they can. We might just need to make it easier for more of them to do so.

    @aaronecarroll

     
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  • Hospital quality and market share

    The following originally appeared on The Upshot (copyright 2016, The New York Times Company). It also appeared on page A3 of the August 23, 2016 print edition of The Times.

    There’s an exceedingly simple way to get better health care: Choose a better hospital. A recent study shows that many patients have already done so, driving up the market shares of higher-quality hospitals.

    A great deal of the decrease in deaths from heart attacks over the past two decades can be attributed to specific medical technologies like stents and drugs that break open arterial blood clots. But a study by health economists at Harvard, M.I.T., Columbia and the University of Chicago showed that heart attack survival gains from patients selecting better hospitals were half as large as those from breakthrough technologies.

    That’s a big improvement for nothing more than driving a bit farther to a higher-quality hospital.

    Because more Medicare patients went to higher-quality hospitals for heart attacks between 1996 and 2008, overall chances of survival increased by one percentage point, according to the study. To receive care at a hospital with a one-percentage-point gain in survival rate or a one-percentage-point decrease in readmission rate, a heart attack patient traveled 1.8 or 1.1 miles farther, respectively.

    The investigators also found survival gains for heart failure and pneumonia, but with far less of a difference, about 0.21 and 0.10 percentage points.

    Although it’s clear that more patients have sought care at better hospitals over the years, exactly how they figure out which ones are better is less clear.

    Identifying a better hospital on your own may be conceptually simple, but in practice it’s not so easy. (Obviously, this is something you’d want to consider in advance of an emergency like a heart attack.) There are several websites that convey various metrics of hospital quality.

    For example, on Medicare’s Hospital Compare site, you can learn which hospitals have lower-than-average mortality rates for five medical conditions — including heart attacks, heart failure and pneumonia — and two surgical procedures. You can also find which have higher-than-average readmission rates for the same conditions and procedures, as well as over all.

    And you can pore over statistics on 11 measures of patient satisfaction; on almost 50 ways to assess the timeliness of effective care; on nine kinds of complication rates; and on six ways to assess appropriate use of imaging, like M.R.I.s.

    Your head may already be spinning. But if you wanted even more information, you could read about deficiencies compiled during hospital inspections at HospitalInspections.org, run by the Association of Health Care Journalists. There are also state-specific websites, like New York’s or California’s.

    Perhaps because of the complexity of sifting through all this information, most patients don’t choose hospitals this way. More likely, many rely on their doctors for recommendations. Doctors are more attuned to clinical quality than patients can be, because patients lack the expertise and don’t engage with the health care system frequently enough to evaluate hospital quality.

    “Our results fit with the view that hospitals’ reputations spread through social networks of patients and doctors influencing the decision over where to seek care,” Adam Sacarny, an economist at Columbia and one of the study’s co-authors, said.

    Rather than clinical quality, which is hard to perceive, patients may be more directly attuned to how satisfied they, or their friends and family, are with care. That’s something they can more immediately experience and is more readily shared.

    Fortunately, most studies show that patient satisfaction and clinical measures of quality are aligned. For example, patient satisfaction is associated with lower rates of hospital readmissions, heart attack mortality and other heart attack outcomes, as well as better surgical quality.

    Hospitals could also improve patient experience in ways that have nothing to do with quality of care: Nicer TVs in the rooms or more opulent lobbies don’t reduce mortality rates. For this reason, we should not assume that greater satisfaction necessarily means better medical outcomes. It’s still a good idea to check the quality ratings and consult with your doctor about where you’ll get the best care — and not be put off if it means driving a bit farther. It could save your life.

    @afrakt

     
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  • Physician, review thyself!

    Dan Ho and Becky Elias have a wonderful article in the Boston Review about their new research on the benefits of peer review in restaurant inspections.

    Beginning in 2014, we designed a randomized, controlled trial to test the effectiveness of peer review with the food safety staff of King County, where Seattle is located. Half of the inspection staff was randomly assigned to engage in peer review. For sixteen weeks, these inspectors spent one day per week with a randomly selected fellow inspector, taking turns conducting inspections and independently scoring health code violations. We then used information from these peer inspections to identify and train for violations that cause the most confusion.

    The results were remarkable. We discovered that, when observing identical conditions in restaurants, health inspectors disagreed nearly 60 percent of the time. Inspectors differed in their assessments of risk magnitude and in interpretations and applications of the health code to particular circumstances, resulting in varying citations for the same condition. Food science is evolving, and the FDA model food code spans nearly 800 pages, so it may not be surprising that implementation varies so much. As one inspector put it, “In the beginning, we [thought] we kn[e]w the code,” but comparing assessments with others provided a “wake-up call.”

    A bona fide randomized controlled trial of a government program in a real-world setting? This is rare and exciting stuff, with enormous resonance for public administration and administrative law. (The full research paper will soon be published at the Stanford Law Review.)

    It’s also relevant to medicine. If peer review works for restaurant inspections, might it also work for health care? As with restaurants, similar patients are often treated differently depending on who treats them and the norms that prevail in the community. Practice guidelines can moderate that variation, much like the FDA model food code. But guidelines can’t tell you how to deal with atypical cases and they aren’t always followed anyhow. Stitching peer review into medical practice might promote consistency while honoring the clinician’s imperative to attend to the idiosyncrasies of particular patients.

    To some extent, peer review has always been a part of medicine—think here of M&M conferences. And it’s starting to get more attention. As Ho and Elias note, Atul Gawande wrote an important New Yorker article in 2011 about surgical coaching. Here at the University of Michigan, Justin Dimick has landed an NIH grant to investigate surgical coaching more generally.

    The Ho and Elias study makes me cautiously optimistic about efforts like these. Peer review might or might not work as well for hospitals as it does for restaurants. But it’s certainly worth exploring.

    @nicholas_bagley

     
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  • Healthcare Triage: Retail Clinics are Convenient, Reliable, and Kind of Affordable

    Aaron and his wife both work. When one of their kids wakes up complaining of a sore throat, they begin a ritual staredown to determine which of them is going to have to wait for the doctor’s office to open, call them, wait on hold, schedule an appointment (which will inevitably be in the middle of the day), take off work, pick the kid up from school, wait in the waiting room (surrounded by other sick kids), get seen, get the rapid strep test, find out if the kid is infected, and then take them to the pharmacy or back to school, before returning to work.

    Or, one of them could just take the kid to a retail clinic on the way to work/school and be done in 30 minutes.

    The undeniable convenience and reliability of retail clinics is the topic of this week’s Healthcare Triage:

    This was adapted from a column I wrote for the Upshot. Links to sources and further reading can be found there.

    @aaronecarroll

     
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  • Healthcare Triage News: Pay for Performance in Medicine: It Doesn’t Work

    Pay for performance. We’ve got all the bugs worked out now, right? Yeah… not so much. This is Healthcare triage News.

     

    For those of you who want to read more:

    @aaronecarroll

     
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  • Pay for performance worked this time, right? No?

    Just released in the BMJ, “Association between the Value-Based Purchasing pay for performance program and patient mortality in US hospitals: observational study“. Let’s not waste time. We’ll dive right in.

    Everyone loves “pay for performance”. Medicare’s version to incentive quality is known as the Hospital-Based Purchasing Program. Basically, it provides financial inducements to reduce 30-day mortality for acute myocardial infarction, heart failure, and pneumonia. The program began in 2011, and is intended to be budget neutral. Medicare withholds some payments to hospitals in the program, and then gives it back based on their performance. In 2015, for instance, 1360 hospitals were penalized and 1700 received bonuses.

    The program is instituted nationally, and is not voluntary. Performance is judged either against a national benchmark, or against improvement from the baseline period.

    For this study, 4257 acute care hospitals were involved. Of those, 2919 participated in the program; another 1348 weren’t eligible for the program and served as controls. In these hospitals, more than 2.4 million patients were admitted from 2008 through 2013. The main outcome of interest was the 30-day risk adjusted mortality rate for acute MI, heart failure, and pneumonia. Comparisons were made to mortality from non-incentivized causes. Researchers were also interested in how the program affected those at the low end of the performance spectrum – those with the most to gain from improvement.

    In the pay-for-performance hospitals, the mortality rates of the incentivized conditions dropped 0.13% in each quarter in the pre-intervention period in the study hospitals, compared to a drop of 0.14% in the control hospitals.In the post-intervention period, study hospitals dropped 0.03% each quarter compared to 0.01% in the control hospitals. This was not a statistically significant difference. In fact, there was no difference in any subgroup of hospitals.

    I gave a talk last week to a bunch of hospital executives on how policy often fails to be evidence based. My last example was pay for performance. They seemed least likely to accept that example as correct.

    It’s not that I think we can’t incentivize physicians to practive better. I’m sure we can. My problem is that we assume that we can pick an easy to measure metric (30-day mortality), tell everyone that this is the one to measure, that it translates into improved quality, and then expect results.

    It still feels like the drunkard’s search. It still feels like it ignores other differences outside the health care system’s control. Most important, it still doesn’t seem to work.

    But, you know, full steam ahead!

    @aaronecarroll

     
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  • The Undeniable Convenience and Reliability of Retail Health Clinics

    The following originally appeared on The Upshot (copyright 2016, The New York Times Company).

    My wife and I both work. When one of our children wakes up complaining of a sore throat, we could begin a ritual stare-down to determine which of us is going to have to wait for the doctor’s office to open, make the phone call, wait on hold, schedule an appointment (which will inevitably be in the middle of the day), take off work, pick up the child from school, sit in the waiting room (surrounded by other sick children), get the rapid strep test, find out if the child is infected and then go to the pharmacy or back to school, before returning to work.

    Or, one of us could just take the child to a retail clinic on the way to work and be done in 30 minutes. Strep throat is incredibly easy to treat(Penicillin still works great!). There’s a simple and very fast test for it. Moreover, physicians are really bad at diagnosing it clinically. A study found that a doctor’s guess as to whether pharyngitis, or a respiratory infection for that matter, is bacterial or viral is right about 50 percent of the time — no better than flipping a coin. The point is, you need to get the rapid strep test every time regardless, no matter the location.

    Aimee and I choose the retail clinic every time.

    Why? Convenience is the biggest reason. Many doctors’ offices are open only on weekdays and during business hours. This also happens to be when most adults work and when children attend school. A 2010 survey of 11 countries found that Americans seek out after-hours care or care in a hospital’s emergency room more often than citizens of almost any other industrialized nation. More than two-thirds of Americans with a below-average income did so. But this isn’t just a problem for the poor. About 55 percent of those with an above-average income did so as well.

    We complain all the time that people use the emergency room for primary care. But that’s not always about lack of insurance. It’s about access. The emergency room is open when people can actually go. Emergency room use has gone up, not down, since the passage of the Affordable Care Act. More people have insurance, and now can afford care when they need it.

    That care is also coming from retail clinics, usually found either in stand-alone storefronts or inside pharmacies. Between 2007 and 2009, retail clinic use increased 10-fold. It turns out that my wife and I represent America pretty well. About 35 percent of retail visits for children are for pharyngitis — sore throats. Add in ear infections and upper respiratory infections, and you’ve accounted for more than three-quarters of visits for children. Parents bring their children to retail clinics to take care of quick, acute problems. Swap ear infections for immunizations, and you’ve got the main reasons adults use retail clinics, too.

    Researchers for a study published in the American Journal of Medical Quality talked to patients who sought out care at retail clinics. Patients who had a primary care physician, but still went to a retail clinic, did so because their primary care doctors were not available in a timely manner. A quarter of them said that if the retail clinic weren’t available, they’d go to the emergency room.

    It’s understandable why physicians’ groups might be opposed to retail clinics. Above and beyond the obvious economic loss when a patient goes elsewhere, many primary care physicians correctly point out that retail clinics often lack the knowledge and experience that come from continuity of care. For many years, experts have argued that medical homes are the optimal way to care for children, especially those with chronic conditions. Those are primary care doctors’ offices that offer a comprehensive, patient-centered, team-based, coordinated approach. Retail clinics are pretty much the opposite.

    The American Academy of Pediatrics, the American Academy of Family Physicians and The American Medical Association have all released policy statements or guidelines that oppose, or at least advise, that use of retail clinics be restricted. That doesn’t seem to have deterred many patients.

    And research hasn’t borne out many of the physicians’ concerns. A 2009 study in the Annals of Internal Medicine examined the cost and quality of care delivered at retail clinics compared with physicians’ offices and urgent care centers. It turns out that aggregate quality scores were similar in all three settings, as were patients’ receipt of preventive care. The cost of visits, however, was significantly less in retail clinics: $110 versus $166 at the doctor’s office and $156 at the urgent care center.

    This has led some people to believe that these clinics are a viable way to reduce health care spending. After all, if we can achieve the same quality, improve access and spend less, we will have achieved the triple aim that everyone wants. I have argued in the past that this is almost impossible. Health care systems function under the constraints of the iron triangle. If you increase access, and don’t let quality suffer, it’s likely that spending will increase.

    A very recent study in Health Affairs would seem to support my beliefs. If retail clinics were just used by people to substitute less expensive visits for more expensive ones, they might help us to spend less over all. But if they encourage new health care visits that otherwise wouldn’t have happened, they could increase spending. That’s what’s happening. Researchers used insurance claims from Aetna for more than 13 million enrollees from 2010 through 2012. They found that 58 percent of visits to retail clinics were for minor issues that hadn’t been treated before. Retail clinic use was associated, over all, with an increase in spending of $14 per person per year.

    In other words, when people found it easier to go to the retail clinic, they lowered their threshold for what they’d go to the doctor for. It’s likely that many of these visits were unnecessary. For example, people with upper respiratory infections, for the most part, don’t need a clinic visit at all. They may not be willing to figure out how to squeeze in a doctor’s visit, but they may be willing to swing by the retail clinic — and that extra spending in volume overwhelms the savings seen per visit.

    New services that improve access may wind up increasing health care spending. Many people who use retail clinics might be willing to make that trade-off. If physicians want to reclaim that business, they will probably have to offer the same benefits of scheduling and efficiency that retail clinics do. But if we are looking for ways to reduce our national health care spending, retail clinics may not be the prescription we need.

    @aaronecarroll

     
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  • Healthcare Triage: Kids Today…Are Pretty Great

    I have three kids, age 14, 12, and almost 10. They’re awesome, if I do say so myself. So I’m not one of those people who thinks that kids are going to hell in a hand basket. If you read mass media, however, you’d think that kids were the worst we’ve ever seen. It’s like everyone is that proverbial old man shaking his fist at the sky, shouting “get off my lawn!”

    They’re wrong. So wrong. And even though we’ve done episodes like this before, new data exist. So once again – why kids today are so awesome is the topic of this week’s Healthcare Triage.

    For those of you who want to read more:

    @aaronecarroll

     
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  • AcademyHealth: Health care is different, but not as different as we may think

    Health care is different” is the standard response to the aspiration of (somehow) making health care more like other industries, in which quality and productivity tend to grow over time. A recent study, which I discuss in my latest AcademyHealth post, shows that it’s actually not as different as we may have thought.

    @afrakt

     

     
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  • The thirty hour resident shift returns?

    Great piece over at NPR on a study (and I’m glad they’re doing it) to see how residents perform during thirty hour shifts:

    The study compares the current rules, which limit first-year residents to working no more than 16 hours without a break, with a more flexible schedule that could allow the young doctors to work up to 30 hours.

    Researchers will examine whether more mistakes happen on one schedule or the other and whether the residents learn more one way or the other. The year-long study started in July.

    “If we want to take the best care of patients now and in the future, we really need to understand much more about the intricate balance of hours, education and care,” saysDavid Asch, a professor of medicine at the University of Pennsylvania, who is leading the study.

    Some people believe that working whose shifts gives residents more of an ability to see how disease progresses over time. Others believe that the continuity of keeping the same doctor watching over patients is good for them. Of course, there’s almost no other profession which would tolerate this. Especially professions where mistakes could lead to catastrophy.

    When I was a resident, I regularly worked thirty-plus hour shifts. I have no idea if this led me to make mistakes. I’m sure, however, that it made me a worse human being, which I do think made me a worse doctor.

    @aaronecarroll

    (h/t @jflier)

     
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